[ti:Big Tech Has Banned Trump. Now What?]
[by:www.21voa.com]
[00:00.00]更多听力请访问21VOA.COM
[00:00.04]As the world accepts a Twitter without @realdonaldtrump,
[00:06.88]the big question is: "Now what?"
[00:10.68]Major technology companies have long been accused
[00:14.96]of giving President Donald Trump special treatment
[00:19.56]that other users did not receive.
[00:22.92]Now, tech companies have banned Trump from their platforms
[00:28.76]after a mob led by his supporters attacked the U.S. Capitol on January 6.
[00:37.00]Trump was blocked from Twitter, Facebook,
[00:41.24]Snapchat and other social media platforms.
[00:45.80]In many ways, removing the president was the easy part.
[00:50.72]But what happens now?
[00:54.24]Will tech companies hold other world leaders to the same level of behavior?
[01:00.48]Will they go further into deciding what is and is not permitted
[01:05.96]on their platforms, perhaps angering many of their users?
[01:11.48]Will all this cause additional online divisions
[01:16.12]that will push people with extreme ideas onto secret platforms?
[01:23.48]Although they've long tried to remain neutral,
[01:27.44]Facebook, Twitter and other platforms are slowly finding
[01:32.80]that they can play an active part in shaping the modern world.
[01:38.52]Their services are used by many angry groups
[01:42.76]as well as people pushing misinformation about science, politics and medicine.
[01:50.96]The companies are moving from defending "free-speech absolutism,
[01:57.16]towards an understanding of speech moderation as a matter of public health,"
[02:03.96]said media professor Ethan Zuckerman of the University of Massachusetts-Amherst.
[02:12.92]None of this can be fixed quickly, and banning a president
[02:18.32]with only a few more days in office is not the answer.
[02:23.80]But there are ways to be more effective.
[02:27.96]When the 26-minute video "Pl andemic" suddenly appeared on the internet,
[02:34.96]it received millions of views in just a few days.
[02:40.04]It was filled with untrue information
[02:44.00]that pointed to a worldwide COVID-19 conspiracy.
[02:50.72]Facebook, Twitter and YouTube removed it
[02:54.56]only after the video had received millions of views.
[02:59.48]But the companies were ready for part two of the video.
[03:04.72]When it appeared, it was removed immediately and received very little attention.
[03:12.08]"Sharing disinformation about COVID is a danger
[03:16.96]because it makes it harder for us to fight the disease," Zuckerman said.
[03:22.48]He added that "sharing disinformation about voting is an attack on our democracy."
[03:30.52]It has been easier for tech companies
[03:33.84]to act on matters of public health than on politics.
[03:39.52]Corporate reactions to Trump and his supporters
[03:43.32]have led to angry cries of censorship.
[03:46.96]Such actions even drew criticism from European leaders
[03:52.56]such as German Chancellor Angela Merkel, and she has little love for Trump.
[03:59.72]Merkel's spokesman, Steffen Seibert,
[04:03.72]said freedom of opinion is one of our most basic rights.
[04:09.08]He told reporters that such a right
[04:11.84]can only be removed or changed by governments,
[04:15.88]not by "a decision by the management of social media platforms."
[04:21.44]That may be possible in Europe, but it is much more complex in the U.S.,
[04:28.16]where the First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution
[04:32.12]protects freedom of expression from government rules.
[04:36.84]However, it does not protect freedom of expression
[04:40.68]from corporate rules on privately-owned, communication platforms.
[04:46.68]Governments, of course, remain free to regulate tech companies.
[04:51.88]Over the past year, Trump, other Republicans and some Democrats
[04:57.72]have called for the removal of a 1996 law known as Section 230.
[05:05.64]The law protects social media platforms from being sued for a lot of money
[05:12.56]by anyone who feels wronged by something someone else has posted.
[05:19.12]Still, few are happy with the often slow reactions of companies
[05:24.92]like Twitter and Facebook to events like the U.S. Capitol attack,
[05:30.44]other violent events or live-streamed shootings.
[05:35.80]Sarita Schoenebeck is a University of Michigan professor
[05:41.04]who studies online harassment.
[05:44.40]She said it might be time for the platforms
[05:48.12]to reexamine how they react to problematic material.
[05:54.00]Until recently, tech companies have looked only at problematic material on its own.
[06:01.32]They have not thought about "the broader social and cultural" effect, she said.
[06:08.04]She added that companies should look at democratic ideals,
[06:13.04]community governance and platform rules to "shape behavior."
[06:20.00]Jared Schroeder is an expert on social media and the First Amendment
[06:26.00]at Southern Methodist University.
[06:28.76]He thinks the Trump bans will push supporters
[06:33.32]to more secretive platforms where "they can organize and communicate."
[06:39.16]"The bans have taken away the best tools for organizing people
[06:44.92]and for Trump to speak to the largest audiences,
[06:49.12]but these are by no means the only tools," Schroeder said.
[06:55.68]I'm Susan Shand. 更多听力请访问21VOA.COM
END OF TRACK. "END OF TRACK." The two men bowed. "Whoever was that person you were talking to?" she enquired, as soon as they stood together. The took of triumph faded from her eyes, she had grown worn and weary. The roses were wilting on the walls, the lights were mostly down now. Hetty, looking in to see if anything was wanted, found herself driven away almost fiercely. I only saw Master Jervie once when he called at tea time, The year 1747 was opened by measures of restriction. The House of Lords, offended at the publication of the proceedings of the trial of Lord Lovat, summoned the parties to their bar, committed them to prison, and refused to liberate them till they had pledged themselves not to repeat the offence, and had paid very heavy fees. The consequence of this was that the transactions of the Peers were almost entirely suppressed for nearly thirty years from this time, and we draw our knowledge of them chiefly from notes taken by Horace Walpole and Lord Chancellor Hardwicke. What is still more remarkable, the reports of the House of Commons, being taken by stealth, and on the merest sufferance, are of the most meagre kind, sometimes altogether wanting, and the speeches are given uniformly under fictitious names; for to have attributed to Pitt or Pelham their[112] speeches by name would have brought down on the printers the summary vengeance of the House. Many of the members complained bitterly of this breach of the privileges of Parliament, and of "being put into print by low fellows"; but Pelham had the sense to tolerate them, saying, "Let them alone; they make better speeches for us than we can make for ourselves." Altogether, the House of Commons exhibited the most deplorable aspect that can be conceived. The Ministry had pursued Walpole's system of buying up opponents by place, or pension, or secret service money, till there was no life left in the House. Ministers passed their measures without troubling themselves to say much in their behalf; and the opposition dwindled to Sir John Hinde Cotton, now dismissed from office, and a feeble remnant of Jacobites raised but miserable resistance. In vain the Prince of Wales and the secret instigations of Bolingbroke and Doddington stimulated the spirit of discontent; both Houses had degenerated into most silent and insignificant arenas of very commonplace business. "It certainly will be. Miss Widgeon," answered Maria, with strictly "company manners." "One who has never had a brother exposed to the constant dangers of army life can hardly understand how glad we all feel to have Si snatched from the very jaws of death and brung back to us." "Just plug at 'em as you would at a crow, and then go on your way whistlin'?" persisted Harry. "Hurroo!" echoed Hennessey; "that's the ticket." "Come forward, keeper," continued the baron, "and state how these arrows came into your hands!" "Yes." HoMEJULIA京香2018下载
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